Tuesday, September 27, 2016

BOUNDARY TREATY – 1st November 1860

Throughout the disturbances which followed the mutiny of the native army of bengal in 1857, the maharajah of nepal now not only faithfully maintained the members of the family of peace and friendship set up between the british government and the country of nepal by way of the treaty of sugaulee, but freely positioned troops on the disposal of the british government for the preservation of order in the frontier districts, and in the end despatched a force to co-operate with the british army in re-seize of lucknow and the very last defeat of the rebels.

On the conclusion of these operations, the Viceroy and Governor-General in recognition of the eminent services rendered to the British Government by the Stated of Nepal, decleard his intention to restore to the Maharajah the whole of the lowlands lying between the River Kali and the district of Goruckpore, which belonged to the State of Nepal in 1815, and were cede to the British Government in that year by the aforesaid Treaty. These lands have now been indentified by Commissioners appointed for the purpose by the British Government, in the presence of Commissioners duputed by the Nepal Darbar; masonry pillars have been erected to mark the future boundary of the two States, and the territory has been formally delivered over to the Nepalese Authorities. In order the more firmly delivered over to the Nepal in the perpetual possession of this territory, and to mark in a solemn way the occasion of its restoration, the following Treay has concluded between the two states:

Article 1st
All Treaties and Engagement now in force between the British Government and the Maharajah of Nepal, except in so far as they may be altered by this Treaty, are hereby confirmed.

Article 2nd
The British Government hereby bestows on the Maharajah of Nepal in full sovereignty, the whole of the lowlands between the Rivers Kali and Raptee, and athe whole of the lowlands lying between the River Rapti and the districts of Goruckpore, which were in the possession of the Nepal State in the year 1815, and were cede to the British Government by Article III of the Treaty concluded at Sugaulee on the 2nd of December in that year.

Article 3rd
The boundary line surveyed by the British Commissioners appointed for the purpose extending eastward from the River Kali or Sardah to the foot of the hills north of Bogowra Tal, and marked by pillars, shall henceforth be the boundary between the Britsh Provice of Oudha and the Territories of the Maharajah of Nepal. This Treaty, signed by Lieutenant – Colonel George Ramsay, on the part of His Excellency the Right Honourable Charles John, Earl Canning, G.C.B Viceroy and Governor-General of India, and by Maharaja Jung Vikram Shah Bahadur Shumshere Jung, Shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Kathmandoo within thirty days of the date of signature.
Signed and sealed at Khatmandoo, this First day of November, A.D., one thousand eight hundred and sixty corresponding to the third day of Kartick Budee, sumbut nineteen hundred and seventeen.
G.Ramsay. Lieut.Col,
Resident at Nepal

CANNING

Viceroy and Governor-General
This Treaty was ratified by His Excellency the Governor – General, at Calcutta, on the 15th November 1860.
A.R Young.
Deputy Secretary to the Government of India.
BOUNDARY TREATY – 1st November 1860

TREATY OF TITALIYA – 10 February 1817

Treaty, covenant or settlement entered into by means of captin barre latter, agent on the part of his excellency the proper honorable the eal of moira, okay.g., governer-general & c., &c., & c., and with the aid of nazir chaina tenjin and mahca teinbah and lama duchim longdoo , deputies on the a part of rajah of sikkimputtee, being severlly legal and duly appointed for the above purpose- 1871.

Article 1
The Honorable East India Company cedes, transfer, and make over in full sorverignty to the Sikkimputte Rajha, his heirs or successors, all the hilly or mountainous country situated to the eastward of the Mechi River and to the westward of the Teesta River, formerly possessed and occupied by the Rajah of Nepaul, but the cedes to the Honorable East India Company by the Treaty of peace signed at Segoulee.

Article 2
The Sikkimputte Rajah engages for himself and successors to abstain from any acts of aggression or hostility against the Goorkhas or any other state.

Article 3
That he will refer to the arbitration of the British Government any disputes or questions that may arise between his subjects and those of Nepaul, or any other neighboring State , and to abide by the decision of the British Government.

Article 4
He engages for himself and successors to join the British Toops with the whole of his military Force when employed with in the Hills, and in general to afford the British Troops every aid and facility in his power.

Article 5
That he will not permit any British subject, nor the subject of any European and American State, to reside within his dominions, without the permission of the English Government.

Article 6
That he will immediately seize and deliver up any dacoits or notorious offenders that may take refuge within his territories.

Article 7
That he will not afford protection to any defaulters of revenue or other delinquents when demande by the British Government through their accredited Agents.

Article 8
That he will afford protection to merchants and traders from the company’s Provinces, and he engages that no duties shall be levied on the transit of merchandize beyond the established custom at the several golahs or marts.

Article 9
The Honorable East India Company guarantees to the Sikkimputtee Rajah and his succesors the full and peaceable possession of the tract of hilly country specified in the first Article of the present Agreement.

Article 10
This treaty shall be ratified and exchanged by the Sikkimputte Rajah within one month from the present date, and the counterpart, when confirmed by His Excellency the Right Honorable the Governor – General, shall be transmitted to the Rajah.
Done at Titalya, this 10th day of February 1817 , answering to the 9th of Phagoon 1873 sumbut, and to the 30th of Maugh 1223 Bengallie
BARRE LATTER
NAZIR CHINA TINJIN
MACHA TIMBAH
LAMA DUCHIM LONGADOC
MOIRA
N.B EDMONSTONE
ARCHD. SETON
GEO. DOWDESWELL
Ratified by the Governor- General in Council, at Fort William, this fifteenth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and seventeen.
J.Adam
Acting chief secy. to Govt.
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Agreement Between Kajee Amar Singh Thapa and Major General Ochterlony 15 may 1815

In consideration of the high rank and man or woman of kajee amar singh thapa, and of the skill, bravery and fidelity with which he has defended the country dedicated to his charge, it's far agreed.

1. That Kajee Amar Singh Thapa, with the troops now in Rajgarh, shall march out and retain their arms and accountrements, the colour of their respective crops, two guns and all private proper, which shall be duly respected and preserved, and every attention and delicacy observed in respect to the Zanana of the Kajee, and very person under his authority.

2. In consideration, also, of the gallant conduct of Kanee Ranjor Singh Thapa, it is agreed that he shall likewise march out of the fort of Jaithak with two hundred men, who are to retain their arms, colours and one gun, with the bharadar (chief Officers) and their followers, about three hundred more in number, unarmed, with his own and their private property which shall be respected, and the sanctity of the Zanana preserved.

3. Kajee Amar Singh Thapa and Kajee Ranjor Singh Thapa with their property and followrs, are at liberty to proced by the route of Thaneswar, Hardwar and Nijababad to join the troops eastward of the river Sarju or Kali, or by whichever rout they determine to proceed to that destination. Conveyance shall be provided for the transportation of their property to the confines of the Nepal territory.

4. Kajee Amar Singh Thapa and Kajee Ranjor Singh Thapa shall be at liberty to meet whenever they please.

5. All the troops in the service of Nepal, with the exception of those granted to the personal honour of the Kajees Amar Singh and Ranjor Singh, will be at liberty to enter into the service of the British Government, if it is agreeable to themselves and the British Government choose to accept their services, and those who are not employed will be maintained on a specific allowance by the British Government till peace is concluded between the two States.


6. Kajee Amar Singh Thapa, on his part, agrees to leave the fort of Malaon, whenever bears and other conveyance are prepared for his private property.

7. Kajee Amar Singh Thapa also agrees to send immediate orders for the evacuation and delivery, to persons properly authorized, of the forts of Bhylee (Inkee), Subbatoo, Morree, Jaithak, jagatgarh, Rowaheen, and all other forts and fortresses now held by the Nepal troops between Jumna and Sutlej rivers. The garrisons of all which forts, strongholds etc. Shall enjoy their private property unmolested, and the arms and warlike stores in each shall be left in deposit, for the future decision of the Right Honourable the Governor General; with exception to such among them as are related to Kajee Amar Singh Thapa by kindred, about eighty- three men, who shall be at liberty to retain their arms and accountrements .

8. Kajee Amar Singh Thapa also agrees to send immediate orders to Kajee Bakhtawar Singh for the evacuation of the territory of Garhwal, to deliver over the forts etc. in that district to the Officers of the British Government and to procced to Nepal by the Kumaon roate, with their garrisons, all public property including warlike stores, accompanied by a &#8220;Chaprasi&#8221; with pass on the part of the British Government.

9. Kajee Amar Singh Thapa also agrees to send immediate orders to Kajee Bakhtawar Singh for the evacuation of the territory of Garhwal, to deliver over the forts etc. in that district to the Officers of the British Government and to procced to Nepal by the Kumaon roate, with their garrisons, all public property including warlike stores, accompanied by a &#8220;Chaprasi&#8221; with pass on the part of the British Government.</p></br></br><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhgW97PCzoPrmUp_3XCKtmZULRnyHE9OgygHX8HExF4lW5pIVpiK5WP1digNpUZhfq001NSJAr9oKKjc-IsmPbgcONNmM8Wyw66rfmPxDRFFSq9d8AmRw7NXJ6J-DbW3JVOnmUljuHOLaQ/s1600/kaji.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhgW97PCzoPrmUp_3XCKtmZULRnyHE9OgygHX8HExF4lW5pIVpiK5WP1digNpUZhfq001NSJAr9oKKjc-IsmPbgcONNmM8Wyw66rfmPxDRFFSq9d8AmRw7NXJ6J-DbW3JVOnmUljuHOLaQ/s1600/kaji.jpg" /></a></div>

Greater Nepal not against India but Indian colonialism: Phanindra Nepal

Chairman of the unified nepal countrywide front (unnf), nepal is widespread secretary of the border issue civil committee.

excerpts of an interview via bn dahal to phanindra nepal;

Q: You obstructed the road leading to Indian Embassy on 2 December. What is the significance of 2 December?

A: Britain had sent the proposal of Sugauli Treaty on 2 December, 1815. It mentioned ceding 40% of former Greater Nepal territory. Nepal under pressure had to sign the treaty on 4 March, 1816. Sugauli Treaty of 2 December is the reason behind the current geo-poltical reality of the nation. This is why we mark 2nd December as a ‘Black Day’ annually. This programme is a certain every year. It will continue until India returns our territory.

Q: There are allegations that the programmes you have launched are anti-Indian?

A: Our programmes of Greater Nepal are not against India. We have opposed the Nepali border encroachment by India. We have not opposed India. They neglected our appeals to stop encroachment, so we lunched the programmes. The territories that we have demanded do not belong to India. But when we raised the issues of Nepal’s nationality, sovereignty and its territories, India perceives such programmes as against it. We are not against India, we want to be its good friend. If it stops encroaching Nepali land and stops making Nepali people suffer, we would not go against India unreasonably.

Q: Your programmes are being opposed from Nepali sides as well. Why?

A: Many Nepali political parties have said that Nepal’s politics lies in Indian hands. For many intellectuals and party leaders, to oppose such programmes will be equal to worshipping India. Those leaders that accept Indian blessings to save their politics are the ones opposing us. Nepalese live in India’s New Delhi and Mumbai as well. We have not said that those territories belong to Nepal. We have demanded at the people’s level, that India, which is a nationalist, and democratic nation that has fought against colonization for 90 years, should not take over Nepal’s land lost after the Sugauli Treaty.

Q: Border encroachment is a subject between two nations. What kind of support have you received from Nepal’s government in your campaign?

A: Let alone the government’s support to our programmes. The incumbent Foreign Minister Sujata Koirala, despite knowing that border has been encroached upon at different parts of the nation, she denied that such a thing has happened. It shows that there is no support to our programme. We were detained for eight hours when we launched a programme on 2 December. This also shows that the government does not support our programmes.

Q: Will Greater Nepal only raise the issue of border encroachment or other issues as well?

A: We have attached very important issues with Greater Nepal. Among those issues are the scrapping of 4.1 million citizenship given to foreigners. The citizenship should be given to those who fulfill certain criteria. The Nepal-India border should be either managed or controlled. We oppose Indian monopoly over water resources. The inundation in Tarai is an injustice as per international laws. Our campaign is directed towards that also.

Q: What is the area and what territories does Greater Nepal occupy?

A: Nepal’s territory was 2,04, 917 sq. km before the Sugauli Treaty was signed. Currently it is 1,47,181 sq. km. India has taken over 56,000 sq. km of our territory. Our territory spans from Tista in the East to Sutlej in the West.

Q: You have submitted numerous memorandums regarding the border encroachment to the Indian side. What reactions have you received?

A: After we submitted a memorandum at the Indian Embassy, they assured us that they would forward the same to their central government, and informing us that they cannot do anything. We do not believe that India would return our territories merely by acting on a memorandum. We want the world community to know that Nepal’s territory is under Indian control. This is our achievement. Q: Is it true that our territory is not only in India but as far as in Bangladesh?

A: Our land has spread to Bangladesh. It is true. But Bangladesh had not encroached on our land. That territory belongs to Nepal.

Q: Do you possess other documents other than the Sugauli Treaty to substantiate that India has encroached on Nepali territory?

A: There are many. Nepal-India treaty was reached on 3 July, 1950. Article 8 of the treaty mentions that all the agreements reached between Nepal and Britain have been abolished. The Sugauli Treaty was reached between Nepal and Britain. After that the treaty was abolished and Nepal’s territory was established from Tista to Kankada. As per international law, if the existence of one side, of the two sides engaged in a treaty, ends, then the treaty will be abolished. When Britain decided to leave India, it had said that it would leave India in its former state. So Nepali territories should have been returned or should be returned.

Q: You have been raising a nationalist issue on border encroachment. But those who call themselves nationalists have not shown any participation. Why?

A: There are some hilarious issues related to agitation for nationality. Nationalists’ are divided into splinters. One faction is afraid to support another due to jealousy as they fear that they will rise to power. Maybe, that is why our friends have not supported us. But I still believe nationality is hidden somewhere in their hearts. We are making efforts to expand our organization by including them.

Q: What is the Greater Nepal agitation?

A: Before Sugauli Treaty, Nepal’s border extended from Tista in the East to Sutlej in the West. After the treaty the border was limited to Mechi and Mahakali. When India achieved independence in 15 August, 1947, Nepali territories became independent. They should have been unified to Nepal, but it did not happen. Our demand is that it should happen. We want to remind India that it is maintaining colonialism over Nepali territories. We want to show the world that India has encroached on a large part of Nepal’s territory. We are of the opinion that such colonialism cannot continue in the 21st century. All those places Britain ruled have become independent.

Q: How do you garner economic support for your programmes?

A: We displayed black flags when Shiv Shankar Menon had arrived. Then we spent Rs. 900. Rs. 900 is not a big deal for nationalists. We have spent Rs. 8,000-9,000 in programmes. Friends are bearing the expenditure. We are fighting for Nepal’s border. Nepali people must help us.

Q: There are rumors that you receive money from Indians and you are launching programmes against India?

A: I have heard this for a long time. Such allegations were made when I used to write articles. We have done something that has not happened yet in front of the Indian Embassy in Lainchaur. Does India want to taint its prestige by itself? So this is a conspiracy. It may be driven by a motive that if such rumors are spread, the agitation will collapse.

Q: So you are working without interest?

A: I teach in Tribhuvan University. I am supposed to study for Phd degree, but due to this agitation I have not been able to do that. I am at the final stage. I have self-interest. When Nepali territory under Indian control is returned, then our border will join with Bangladesh. We can reach sea from there. We will be freed from Indian slavery. I want a free and sovereign Nepal and that is my self-interest.

Q: Indian SSB has sent a proposal to the center to place barbed wire at the border, while Indian ambassador Rakesh Sood called for constructing a border wall. Will not this secure Nepal’s border?

A: The idea of placing barbed wire and wall at Nepal-India border is full of bad intention. The barbed wire was proposed to give legitimacy to the land that has been already encroached. We agree with the two ideas, but Nepal’s border before the Sugauli Treaty should be taken as a basis. Then we will welcome what ever is placed at the border, whether it is barbed wire of wall. We people and government oppose the idea of constructing a wall at the current border.

Q: You have been raising the issue of Greater Nepal, but there are works going on to disintegrate Nepal?

A: Nepali indigenous nationalities do not want to live separately by dividing the nation. No one wants this. It has been proved that the efforts to disintegrate the nation are being made from the southern side. This issue was raised by those coming to national politics from India. I do not believe that this will succeed. The Nepali people will fight against the nation’s disintegration.

Q: It is rumored that your anti-Indian programmes have the support of North East?

A: We are the agitators demanding that the Nepali territories under Indian control be returned. Like this, there is a fight in Indian administered Kashmir demanding for independence. Likewise, various ethnic groups are demanding independence in Nepal’s east to North East. Nepal’s Greater agitation and North East agitation seems to be related in this way. We have extended moral support for their agitation. They have also morally supported our agitation. We do not have any sort of working alliance.

Q: The Indian side proposed referendum in places such as Darjeeling. What do you have to say to this?

A: Provision related to referendum cannot be biased. We are not afraid that India will show majority by referendum in Darjeelign because it is a place where there is Nepali majority. Referendum should also be held in Nepal to seek opinion on whether to take back Nepali territory that it had before the Sugauli Treaty. International law calls for referendum in both the nations.

Q: Royal institution has collapsed, is the monarchy nationalist or political party leaders?

A: Monarchy is not a complete nationalist. But none of the political parties proved themselves to be as nationalist as the king. During monarchy’s rule, national unity did not witness such instability as now. The foreign intervention was not as high. The political leadership should learn from this, they must correct themselves.

Greater Nepal is not impossible!


Phanindra Nepal, Lecturer Patan Multiple Campus

He's for the time being a lecturer at the patan a couple of campus in lalitpur, nepal.
he is considered to be a reservoir of information and a commanding authority as regards the “more nepal” principle to which he prefers to call a movement.

Mr. phanindra nepal is working as a secretary to the border challenge civil discussion board. mr. nepal is simultaneously the chairman of “unified nepal national the front” as well.
he has numerous books to his credit and plenty of thought frightening articles which have been published in several countrywide and international newspapers.
He is also the author of books entitled “The ABC of Greater Nepal” and “Nepal-Tista to Sutlej”. He has also edited a book on “The reality of Indian encroachment in Susta”.
Last week, we met this nationalist at a seminar and approached for an interview to which he readily agreed-Below the results-ed.

TGQ1: How you Mr. Nepal have been assessing the overall political events unfolding in the country more so after the September Kathmandu explosions? Who could have been behind such blasts? The Terai outfits? The Maoists? Or some unknown groups? Your comments please!

Mr. Nepal: There could be no second opinion that the incidents were inhumane however, the Nepali experience of last decade(s) suggest that it is not that we should take them very seriously but the motive with which the explosions have been carried out must be mulled over seriously. To add, in the aftermath, the two Terai outfits had already taken the responsibility, however, the war of words between the Maoists and the Nepal Army alleging each other for their involvement in the incident suggest that the conflict may entangle further in the days ahead. And it cannot be out rightly negated that if the problem persists for long it may have some negative impact on the Nepali politics as well.
However, I suspect RAW behind this heinous act as it has the majority or better say an overwhelming say in the Nepali politics. It is also known to all that it is only India and India alone that benefits more by keeping Nepali politics in a fluid/fragile and unstable state. And as politics continue to be fluid and unstable, economic activities cannot take its desired course thus the country becomes poorer and poorer. The result is thus what India desires from Nepal.

It is also likely that forces who do not want CA polls in November this year may be behind the explosions. And the reason behind the Terai Groups claiming the responsibility could have been a ploy to provoke the Pahade people to attack the Terai people in Nepal, finally, paving way for India to send its army in Nepal in the name of protecting the Indian migrant community here. This also proves why India has deployed a huge contingent of security personnel along the Indo-Nepal border of late. It is comprehendible why the deployment is not merely to curb terrorist activities but instead India needs as well some plausible reasons such as to protect its citizens in Nepal and thus that would be the mere pretext to enter into the Nepali Territory.
As yet it is only due to the tolerance and intelligence exhibited by the Pahade community living in the Terai, such Indian designs has been averted.
Nevertheless, what Nepal could do is to control the Nepal-India border to stop the arms trade, the arms that are being used against the Pahade community.


TGQ2: As we understand, you had been advocating the theory of “Greater Nepal” for long time in the past? Has the theory died a premature death or you continue in your initiatives for the same? What sort of response you received from the Nepali intellectuals during your campaign? And also tell us what was the response from the other camp?
Mr. Nepal: My association with the “Greater Nepal” movement is more than a decade and a half long. I can tell you that “Greater Nepal” was not a matter of discussion in the past, now it has become a major issue in the country’s national level politics- inviting various levels of serious discussions in the Nepali academic sector and beyond. Thus there is no point in saying that the theory has died a premature death. And this issue will continue to survive as long as Nepal does not get its lost territory back-lost because of the Sugauli Treaty.

I can also assure you that the Nepali politics that is presently divided in various fronts will one day be united in favor of “Greater Nepal”. It is also true that each and every Nepali share the pain deep inside their hearts because of the Sugauli Treaty. This pain will continue until we get our deserved rights back. And “Greater Nepal” is the objective of my life and I hope that it will come true during my life time itself if the nationalists co-operate me in my endeavor.
We are trying to move ahead with the motive of transforming the demand for “Greater Nepal” into a movement. In the process, various types of comments have come up, both positive and negative. Some say that India will never give our territories back but I question unless we formally demand how can they give us? It is said that unless an infant cries even the mother sometimes forgets to give the milk her own child.

Talking of our intellectuals now, they are more content with the party tags they shoulder. It is a matter of shame that intellectuals here toe a party demand, thus the movement for “Greater Nepal” does not, let me admit, at present suit to any party line. Just think, our leaders who even do not impart a single word in protest against continuous land encroachment by the Indian side, how would they demand the return of our illegally occupied lands by the Indian side? And the so called intellectuals would also not dare to cross the party line but recently some independent thinkers have come up in support of our movement. A great encouragement for us indeed!

It is for sure that the Indian side fears the movement for “Greater Nepal” originating from the Nepali soil. This has indeed become a matter of headache from them. They fear one day this movement may drag international attention which it would ultimately. If we get our lost territories back, Nepal’s eastern periphery can extend up to Bhutan and Bangladesh. This implies that the Indian controlled eastern states will finally detach themselves from the Indian Union-the colonial offshoot of British Raj. Thus the separatist groups waging movement for independence such as NAGA, ULFA, BODO and others in India could benefit from the movement of “Greater Nepal”.

Finally, India will have only one option left and that is to shape a treaty with Nepal to take Darjeeling in lease and Nepal in return could ask for extending its territory up to the Bangladeshi Border.
I now feel that the Eastern states in India are thus nearing their Independence.


TGQ3: Media reports say that Indian side has been constantly encroaching upon our lands in different parts of the country. However, the political parties, radical communists included, do not utter a single word in favor of their own country? How you take their silence?
If so then, should we demand the outright abrogation of the Sugauli Treaty of 1815? Given the fact that India is expanding her territories by intruding our lands, would it be a befitting response to India if we talk of the abrogation of the Sugauli treaty?

Mr. Nepal: The frequent media reports that the Indian side is encroaching upon our land are not at all fabricated events. In reality, the Indian side has been exceeding all the limits and there is not a single adjoining district in Nepal that has not faced continues Indian encroachment, to say the least.
To boot, we have lost almost 372 Square Kilometers in Kalapani area where the Indian military has a camp since Indo-China war of 1962 wherein India embraced a shameful defeat. More over, our territorial claims reach up to 17 Kilometers far from Kalapani. Add to this, some 20, 000 BIGHAS( approximately 13,000 plus hectares in metric system) of Nepali lands have been currently under Indian occupation in SUSTA area in Nawalparasi district. The list might go long of such encroachments in different parts of this country.

More perplexing is the response from the Nepali side. More so, the silence exhibited by the political parties and the so-called Maoist revolutionaries’ included is indeed surprising. This surprising silence is more intriguing. For me, silence is a sign of agreement or acceptance. Thus, I am forced to conclude that they have provided their positive nod to this Indian act of threatening our sovereignty. Which is also a proof that India itself is not abiding by the clauses of the Sugauli Treaty thus there is no point that the Nepalese alone should go by the clauses of the treaty. Thus India reminds us time and again that the Sugauli treaty is no more valid as they continue to intrude our territory.

In reality, the treaty became null and void right on 14th August 1947. Had we been smart enough to get back the lands that we loosed through the treaty of Sugauli during the 14 to 15th August, the entire lost lands of the Nepal would have been in our possession since then. But we failed. The fact is that from 14 till 18th August, 1947, the lands which we lost under Sugauli treaty could have been secured. To be precise, Darjeeling was under the command of Pakistan and a Pakistani flag was fluttering there till 18th of August*. (Read Status of ceded land of Darjeeling and Leasehold of Kalingpong by Rukesh Mani Pradhan) For the Pakistanis, they took over Darjeeling for it was an area that was adjoining East Pakistan then. But India became suddenly sensitive to this Pakistani overtures and instantly took hold of Darjeeling forcibly in order to secure its attachment with the Northeast which incidentally adjoined East Pakistan then.

Though India commands authority in Darjeeling in the East and Kumaon Garhwal in the West, however, the right of Nepal to claim these lands remains sovereign and valid till to date. Nepal, logically, can even now demand those lands from India. To me India which believes in expansionism and the one who enjoys sadistic pleasure in grabbing others’ property and money are similar both in content and nature.


TGQ4: Many academics in Kathmandu see the influence of India in our internal affairs and that too in a brazen manner.
Do you see such influence in Nepali politics by India or it is just a rumor only? If yes, then why India is dictating its terms and conditions on practically each and every political issues? Is our leadership that weak not to withstand the extraneous pressures? Your comments please.
Mr. Nepal: There is not only the Indian influence in Nepali politics but there is clearly an intervening Indian role in our internal matters. It is not just a matter of gossip but not to say so would be improper in effect.

Recently, the Indian ambassador to Nepal Shiva Shankar Mukherjee celebrating the Indian Independence day in Kathmandu said that “November 22 CA elections” must be conducted at any cost. Similarly, in 1992 the arrival of Chandra Shekhar and his remarks made at Ganeshman’s residence about King Birendra heralded a new era for India’s naked intervention in Nepali politics which continues even to day which is there for all to see.

Indians want those political parties in Nepal to succeed that serve well their objective to impose their directives frequently through their handpicked political men.
In reality, the Indians act as a mentor and thus reprimand our leaders and our leaders consider themselves fortunate to be their slaves.

The Indian mindset is such that they consider it their inherent right to interfere into our internal matters and this has become possible only because our leadership readily accepts such interference. Some times I also feel that India is not to be totally blamed. We have several examples of our own leadership publicly admitting their Indian lenience. Therefore, our politics is much weaker than our own perception. There is no National Agenda and Rigidity over any issue that warrants national attention. They are merely pawns at the hands of foreigners. Until and unless we have leadership a la “Mir Jaffar and Lendhup Dorje”, Nepal will remain ever as an Indian colony or at best a Protectorate.
We need such leadership that is more responsible to its own citizen and the country. Nepalese leadership should fear the wrath of its own citizen rather than fearing India.
Unless our leadership gets rid of the mindset that without India’s blessings they cannot acquire influential positions in Nepal, the Indian will continue to influence, interfere and intervene into our politics.


TGQ5: After the restoration of parliament by the King, what prompted the Seven Party Alliance along with the Maoists to bring in the new citizenship bill?

Mr. Nepal: For me it was a move to threaten the very sovereignty of Nepal as a nation state as a whole. As the restored parliament passed the citizenship act the provision for granting citizenship to any one born in Nepal was accepted thus India benefited the most which meant that India gained through its citizen’s acquiring Nepalese citizenship. In a few years time the situation will be such that the population of the Nepali of Nepali origin will be dominated by the Nepali of the Indian origin, thus real Nepalese will be in minority in their own homeland. Which also implies that now on the Indian Immigrants who now have the Nepali citizenship could influence greater say in Nepali politics. Finally, the Indian design of seeing Nepal becoming Bhutan first and Sikkim later is taking a formal shape.

And I also foresee a final standoff between the Indian migrants and the real Nepali population in Nepal very soon. Thus, to save our independence we must fight. * Pakistan’s flag fluttered in Darjeeling at the “Planter’s Club” presently a hospital
He is at the moment a Lecturer at the Patan Multiple Campus in Lalitpur, Nepal.
He is considered to be a reservoir of knowledge and a commanding authority as regards the “Greater Nepal” theory to which he prefers to call a Movement.
Mr. Phanindra Nepal is working as a secretary to the Border Concern Civil Forum. Mr. Nepal is concurrently the chairman of “Unified Nepal National Front” as well.
He has several books to his credit and many thought provoking articles which have been published in several national and international newspapers.
He is also the author of books entitled “The ABC of Greater Nepal” and “Nepal-Tista to Sutlej”. He has also edited a book on “The reality of Indian encroachment in Susta”.
Last week, we met this nationalist at a seminar and approached for an interview to which he readily agreed-Below the results-ed.

TGQ1: How you Mr. Nepal have been assessing the overall political events unfolding in the country more so after the September Kathmandu explosions? Who could have been behind such blasts? The Terai outfits? The Maoists? Or some unknown groups? Your comments please!

Mr. Nepal: There could be no second opinion that the incidents were inhumane however, the Nepali experience of last decade(s) suggest that it is not that we should take them very seriously but the motive with which the explosions have been carried out must be mulled over seriously. To add, in the aftermath, the two Terai outfits had already taken the responsibility, however, the war of words between the Maoists and the Nepal Army alleging each other for their involvement in the incident suggest that the conflict may entangle further in the days ahead. And it cannot be out rightly negated that if the problem persists for long it may have some negative impact on the Nepali politics as well.
However, I suspect RAW behind this heinous act as it has the majority or better say an overwhelming say in the Nepali politics. It is also known to all that it is only India and India alone that benefits more by keeping Nepali politics in a fluid/fragile and unstable state. And as politics continue to be fluid and unstable, economic activities cannot take its desired course thus the country becomes poorer and poorer. The result is thus what India desires from Nepal.

It is also likely that forces who do not want CA polls in November this year may be behind the explosions. And the reason behind the Terai Groups claiming the responsibility could have been a ploy to provoke the Pahade people to attack the Terai people in Nepal, finally, paving way for India to send its army in Nepal in the name of protecting the Indian migrant community here. This also proves why India has deployed a huge contingent of security personnel along the Indo-Nepal border of late. It is comprehendible why the deployment is not merely to curb terrorist activities but instead India needs as well some plausible reasons such as to protect its citizens in Nepal and thus that would be the mere pretext to enter into the Nepali Territory.

As yet it is only due to the tolerance and intelligence exhibited by the Pahade community living in the Terai, such Indian designs has been averted.
Nevertheless, what Nepal could do is to control the Nepal-India border to stop the arms trade, the arms that are being used against the Pahade community.


TGQ2: As we understand, you had been advocating the theory of “Greater Nepal” for long time in the past? Has the theory died a premature death or you continue in your initiatives for the same? What sort of response you received from the Nepali intellectuals during your campaign? And also tell us what was the response from the other camp?

Mr. Nepal: My association with the “Greater Nepal” movement is more than a decade and a half long. I can tell you that “Greater Nepal” was not a matter of discussion in the past, now it has become a major issue in the country’s national level politics- inviting various levels of serious discussions in the Nepali academic sector and beyond. Thus there is no point in saying that the theory has died a premature death. And this issue will continue to survive as long as Nepal does not get its lost territory back-lost because of the Sugauli Treaty.

I can also assure you that the Nepali politics that is presently divided in various fronts will one day be united in favor of “Greater Nepal”. It is also true that each and every Nepali share the pain deep inside their hearts because of the Sugauli Treaty. This pain will continue until we get our deserved rights back. And “Greater Nepal” is the objective of my life and I hope that it will come true during my life time itself if the nationalists co-operate me in my endeavor.

We are trying to move ahead with the motive of transforming the demand for “Greater Nepal” into a movement. In the process, various types of comments have come up, both positive and negative. Some say that India will never give our territories back but I question unless we formally demand how can they give us? It is said that unless an infant cries even the mother sometimes forgets to give the milk her own child.

Talking of our intellectuals now, they are more content with the party tags they shoulder. It is a matter of shame that intellectuals here toe a party demand, thus the movement for “Greater Nepal” does not, let me admit, at present suit to any party line. Just think, our leaders who even do not impart a single word in protest against continuous land encroachment by the Indian side, how would they demand the return of our illegally occupied lands by the Indian side? And the so called intellectuals would also not dare to cross the party line but recently some independent thinkers have come up in support of our movement. A great encouragement for us indeed!

It is for sure that the Indian side fears the movement for “Greater Nepal” originating from the Nepali soil. This has indeed become a matter of headache from them. They fear one day this movement may drag international attention which it would ultimately. If we get our lost territories back, Nepal’s eastern periphery can extend up to Bhutan and Bangladesh. This implies that the Indian controlled eastern states will finally detach themselves from the Indian Union-the colonial offshoot of British Raj. Thus the separatist groups waging movement for independence such as NAGA, ULFA, BODO and others in India could benefit from the movement of “Greater Nepal”.

Finally, India will have only one option left and that is to shape a treaty with Nepal to take Darjeeling in lease and Nepal in return could ask for extending its territory up to the Bangladeshi Border.
I now feel that the Eastern states in India are thus nearing their Independence.


TGQ3: Media reports say that Indian side has been constantly encroaching upon our lands in different parts of the country. However, the political parties, radical communists included, do not utter a single word in favor of their own country? How you take their silence?
If so then, should we demand the outright abrogation of the Sugauli Treaty of 1815? Given the fact that India is expanding her territories by intruding our lands, would it be a befitting response to India if we talk of the abrogation of the Sugauli treaty?

Mr. Nepal: The frequent media reports that the Indian side is encroaching upon our land are not at all fabricated events. In reality, the Indian side has been exceeding all the limits and there is not a single adjoining district in Nepal that has not faced continues Indian encroachment, to say the least.
To boot, we have lost almost 372 Square Kilometers in Kalapani area where the Indian military has a camp since Indo-China war of 1962 wherein India embraced a shameful defeat. More over, our territorial claims reach up to 17 Kilometers far from Kalapani. Add to this, some 20, 000 BIGHAS( approximately 13,000 plus hectares in metric system) of Nepali lands have been currently under Indian occupation in SUSTA area in Nawalparasi district. The list might go long of such encroachments in different parts of this country.

More perplexing is the response from the Nepali side. More so, the silence exhibited by the political parties and the so-called Maoist revolutionaries’ included is indeed surprising. This surprising silence is more intriguing. For me, silence is a sign of agreement or acceptance. Thus, I am forced to conclude that they have provided their positive nod to this Indian act of threatening our sovereignty. Which is also a proof that India itself is not abiding by the clauses of the Sugauli Treaty thus there is no point that the Nepalese alone should go by the clauses of the treaty. Thus India reminds us time and again that the Sugauli treaty is no more valid as they continue to intrude our territory.

In reality, the treaty became null and void right on 14th August 1947. Had we been smart enough to get back the lands that we loosed through the treaty of Sugauli during the 14 to 15th August, the entire lost lands of the Nepal would have been in our possession since then. But we failed. The fact is that from 14 till 18th August, 1947, the lands which we lost under Sugauli treaty could have been secured. To be precise, Darjeeling was under the command of Pakistan and a Pakistani flag was fluttering there till 18th of August*. (Read Status of ceded land of Darjeeling and Leasehold of Kalingpong by Rukesh Mani Pradhan) For the Pakistanis, they took over Darjeeling for it was an area that was adjoining East Pakistan then. But India became suddenly sensitive to this Pakistani overtures and instantly took hold of Darjeeling forcibly in order to secure its attachment with the Northeast which incidentally adjoined East Pakistan then.

Though India commands authority in Darjeeling in the East and Kumaon Garhwal in the West, however, the right of Nepal to claim these lands remains sovereign and valid till to date. Nepal, logically, can even now demand those lands from India. To me India which believes in expansionism and the one who enjoys sadistic pleasure in grabbing others’ property and money are similar both in content and nature.


TGQ4: Many academics in Kathmandu see the influence of India in our internal affairs and that too in a brazen manner.
Do you see such influence in Nepali politics by India or it is just a rumor only? If yes, then why India is dictating its terms and conditions on practically each and every political issues? Is our leadership that weak not to withstand the extraneous pressures? Your comments please.
Mr. Nepal: There is not only the Indian influence in Nepali politics but there is clearly an intervening Indian role in our internal matters. It is not just a matter of gossip but not to say so would be improper in effect.

Currently, the indian ambassador to nepal shiva shankar mukherjee celebrating the indian independence day in kathmandu stated that “november 22 ca elections” must be carried out at any cost. in addition, in 1992 the advent of chandra shekhar and his remarks made at ganeshman’s residence about king birendra heralded a brand new generation for india’s naked intervention in nepali politics which keeps even to day which is there for all to look.
indians want the ones political parties in nepal to succeed that serve nicely their goal to impose their directives frequently through their handpicked political guys.
in reality, the indians act as a mentor and as a result reprimand our leaders and our leaders keep in mind themselves fortunate to be their slaves.

The Indian mindset is such that they consider it their inherent right to interfere into our internal matters and this has become possible only because our leadership readily accepts such interference. Some times I also feel that India is not to be totally blamed. We have several examples of our own leadership publicly admitting their Indian lenience. Therefore, our politics is much weaker than our own perception. There is no National Agenda and Rigidity over any issue that warrants national attention. They are merely pawns at the hands of foreigners. Until and unless we have leadership a la “Mir Jaffar and Lendhup Dorje”, Nepal will remain ever as an Indian colony or at best a Protectorate.
We need such leadership that is more responsible to its own citizen and the country. Nepalese leadership should fear the wrath of its own citizen rather than fearing India.
Unless our leadership gets rid of the mindset that without India’s blessings they cannot acquire influential positions in Nepal, the Indian will continue to influence, interfere and intervene into our politics.


TGQ5: After the restoration of parliament by the King, what prompted the Seven Party Alliance along with the Maoists to bring in the new citizenship bill?

Mr. Nepal: For me it was a move to threaten the very sovereignty of Nepal as a nation state as a whole. As the restored parliament passed the citizenship act the provision for granting citizenship to any one born in Nepal was accepted thus India benefited the most which meant that India gained through its citizen’s acquiring Nepalese citizenship. In a few years time the situation will be such that the population of the Nepali of Nepali origin will be dominated by the Nepali of the Indian origin, thus real Nepalese will be in minority in their own homeland. Which also implies that now on the Indian Immigrants who now have the Nepali citizenship could influence greater say in Nepali politics. Finally, the Indian design of seeing Nepal becoming Bhutan first and Sikkim later is taking a formal shape.

And I also foresee a final standoff between the Indian migrants and the real Nepali population in Nepal very soon. Thus, to save our independence we must fight. * Pakistan’s flag fluttered in Darjeeling at the “Planter’s Club” presently a hospital

We could regain GREATER NEPAL

Buddhi Narayan Shrestha, Border specialist of Nepal says …

We could regain Greater Nepal


Buddhi Narayan Shrestha,  a former director preferred of the department of survey, is probably the maximum prominent survey studies pupil of nepal’s worldwide limitations. he has been working in the subject of surveying and mapping for the final 41 years. shrestha has authored numerous books on the nepal-india border demarcation and management. he turned into skilled and knowledgeable in surveying and land-use mapping in india, canada, germany and japan.
shrestha, who become presented the coveted madan prize 2057 for his e-book boundary of nepal, spoke to kamal raj sigdel of the kathmandu publish on the present day indo-nepal border dispute. he says india has encroached on almost 60,000 hectares of nepali territory over the last seventy two years. excerpts:

Q: You have been a vocal critic of Indian encroachment on Nepali territory for a long time. What actually is the Nepal-India border dispute?

Shrestha: There are a number of reasons that trigger rows over the border – no clear demarcation pillars, lack of historical documents, unclear points/articles in the border treaties, frontiers based on changeable river courses, one country considering itself superior to the other and the like. Nepal has been having arguments over the border with India for a long time. On March 4, 1816, Nepal and the East India Company signed the Treaty of Sugauli. That was expected to resolve the border disputes, but it did not. For instance, right after the signing of the treaty, the East India Company claimed Antu Danda of Ilam and handed it over to Sikkim. However, Nepal managed to get it back in 1838. The border problems remained after India became independent in 1947. In fact, they intensified as India’s population increased rapidly and Indian settlers began clearing Nepal’s forests in the tarai and settling down there. And now in 2007, when loktantra has been established in Nepal, the disputes still exist.

Q: Mainly, which parts of Nepal have been encroached on?

Shrestha: There is a 1,808-kilometer-long border between Nepal and India, and 26 districts of Nepal adjoin Indian territory. In my estimation, there are 54 places in 21 districts involving 60,000 hectares of land where we have border disputes, conflicts, encroachment claims and counterclaims ranging from the smallest one of 2 hectares in Sandakpur to the largest one of 37,000 hectares in Kalapani. Some of the others are Susta (14,000 hectares), Mechi (1,600 hectares) and Parasan (450 hectares).
Q: Does the government recognize the fact that there are 54 border disputes that you just mentioned?

Shrestha: A meeting of the 31st Nepal-India Joint Technical Level Boundary Committee held in Delhi is supposed to have completed 98 percent of the task of strip-mapping the border. So, according to the government, all the disputes, except Susta and Kalapani, have been resolved. But making maps is not everything. The maps may be correct, but when we trace the border in the field, we find instances of encroachment. What is the use of the maps if the Nepalis cannot use their land?

Q: How was Kalapani encroached upon? And what is the dispute about?
Shrestha: In 1962, there was a fierce war between India and China which India lost. After the fighting stopped, the Chinese Army retreated to its original border. The Indian Army looked around and found Kalapani to be a strategically advantageous point. There is a 20,276-foot-high hill which they thought could be useful as a stronghold from where to fend off the Chinese Army. At a meeting of the technical committee, Nepal had proposed to resolve the Kalapani dispute using the maps of 1850 and 1856 as the basis. But India wanted to use the map of 1879. Since the Indian map was irrelevant to Nepal, it rejected the proposal. What is interesting is that Kalapani is shown to be on Nepali territory on the maps submitted by Nepal and on Indian territory on Indian maps. In the map taken as the base document by Nepal, the Kalee River is shown as the frontier. The facts have been distorted on Indian maps, and the river has been renamed as the Kuti Yangti River. As India has changed the name of the river, the dispute remains unresolved.

Q: What is the Susta border dispute about?
Shrestha: In the Susta area, India has encroached on about 14,000 hectares of land over a period of 72 years. The intrusion happened in stages, the latest being on November 22, 2007.

Q: What do you think are the reasons behind the arguments over the border with India?
Shrestha: The main reason is that 595 kilometers of the 1,808-kilometer-long Nepal-India border is defined by rivers—such as the Mechi in the east, Mahakali in the west, and the Narayani in the Susta area, which demarcates a 24-kilometer stretch of the international frontier. The rivers keep changing course and that gives rise to arguments.


Q: Are there any special reasons behind the encroachment in Susta? What do the Indians have to say?
Shrestha: There are five major reasons behind the Susta border dispute – natural, technical, social, political and governmental. The natural reason is flooding. The Narayani River changed its course after the floods of 1845, 1954, 1980 and 1989, and the Indians argued that the reclaimed land was theirs. Another natural cause is that Susta is surrounded on three sides—north, south and east—by Indian territory, and on the west you have the Narayani River. So, Susta is cut off from Nepal which makes it easier for the Indians to move in and occupy it. The technical reason is that no Junge pillar has been erected along the 24-km riverian border, perhaps because the river was considered to be a natural boundary at that time. The social reason is that the population gradually increased on the Indian side adjoining Susta, and the Indian Special Services Bureau helped them to encroach on Nepali territory. Besides, when the Gandak Barrage at Bhaisalotan was completed, nearly 250 laborers that came to work on the construction project did not return but settled in the Susta area. They outnumbered the Nepalis and they encroached on more land. The political cause is that the BJP in Bihar encouraged local Biharis to intrude into Nepali territory under the condition that they vote for the party in return. They also have the backing of the Indian government as is proven by the fact that the SSB has been supporting the locals in their landgrab. The SSB has been torturing Nepalis frequently. But the presence of the Government of Nepal has not been felt.

Q: Are the government’s efforts to resolve the disputes adequate?
Shrestha: Nepal has not acted as it should have. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs had released a statement saying that, except for Kalapani and Susta, all the border issues had been resolved. But there are other places where encroachment has happened. Of late, however, the government is gradually becoming more aware. Parliament is also taking this issue seriously. Parliamentarian Kunta Sharma returned from a visit to the Susta area and claimed that Nepali lands had been occupied. The parliamentary foreign relations committee is also keeping a close watch. Various MPs have been raising the subject in Parliament. Even the Prime Minister has expressed his commitment to look into it seriously. So the matter has now reached the highest level. I think that if the PM were to pursue it seriously, it can be resolved. The problem is that our leaders fear raising the border issue with India because they think that it will make their chairs shake. Foreign Minister Sahana Pradhan talked to her Indian counterpart Pranav Mukherjee on December 7. Mukherjee said that the status quo should be maintained. But what does that mean? That is not the solution. Now that the issue has reached the Foreign Minster’s level, it should be taken to the PM’s level too. The PM should look into it because the border is a serious national issue. If one square kilometer of our land is lost, the Nepali nationals living on it will be turned into aliens. Those responsible for losing Nepali territory should be punished for being traitors. Our head of state should not be afraid of talking to his Indian counterpart for the integrity of our national boundary. He should work fearlessly.

Q: Some border experts speak of a Greater Nepal that includes the territory Nepal gave up with the Sugauli Treaty. Is it possible?


Shrestha: There is a concept of “Greater Nepal” which extends from Tista in the east to Kangra in the west. If Nepal were to become prosperous and powerful like China, Nepal’s future generations could get back the lost territory, which is one-third of the area of Greater Nepal. As China got back Hong Kong from the British, so can Nepal get back its lost territory that was lost with the Sugauli Treaty. Such historical facts should be passed on to our future generations. What is important is that we should not forget our history and the historical facts. The land we lost to the East India Company should not belong to India. It is ours. The 1950 Treaty, too, says that “the Treaty cancels all previous treaties, agreements and engagements entered into on behalf of India between the British Government and the Government of Nepal”. This means that Nepal should regain its lost territory because the 1950 Treaty has nullified the Sugauli Treaty. But the reality is that the 1950 Treaty has not been implemented fully.

Greater Nepal nationalist front hands over memo about Lepu lek

Kathmandu, June 15: The Greater Nepal Nationalist Front has demanded that the government maintain Nepal’s administration from Limpiyadhura to Lipu Lek.
turning in a 3-point memorandum to deputy high minister and home minister bamdev gautam today, the front has drawn the attention of the house minister towards the settlement reached lately among india and china to open a exchange direction through lipu lek that falls in nepali territory, and demanded to take initiative to have it repealed. accepting the memo, home minister gautam stated communique through diplomatic channel has already been made to both the nations, in search of clarification over the problem. “the government is decided to set up the united states’s real border with its neighbours”, he said

Greater Nepal and the Gorkhaland Movement.

Issues upon Darjeeling and a plot to Dissect West Bengal. Part - I

My birthplace is siliguri, underneath darjeeling district of west bengal and my father and forefather’s place of birth became at at darjeeling. my father completed his research at darjeeling and afterward settled at siliguri. it's miles possibly recognised to all of us that darjeeling is known to be the “queen of the hills” all over the global, by means of virtue of her diverse nature of seasonal splendor and hence she attracts plenty of travelers now not most effective from india but additionally from overseas. however the nearby human beings of darjeeling have to conflict difficult day by day for his or her living towards the odds of nature however even then, their sober, friendly and helping mindset is clearly reward worth.These local people suffer from the odds of nature, adverse condition of the hills disturbs the communication, inadequate supply of water for drinking and performing day to day activities, inadequate supply of medicine and want of Good doctors and Hospitals. The Rock specialists and Geologists in India classify the hills of Darjeeling as Crystalline Zone. Thus in these crystalline zone, construction of roads require intense nature of specialized technical design and construction phenomena like application of geo-synthetics, stabilization of the major shear planes and slip zones etc. Furthermore in spite of having adequate rains in these hills, construction water shed area or reservoir for supply of water also requires specialized techniques. These techniques are to be governed by utmost supervision, specialized design, and enormous amount of fund and each of these construction must be treated as a separate project supported with a Detailed project Report (DPR). As discussed earlier about the behavior of the local people of the Hills, their simple attitude was collectively exploited by some lumpen from the year 1975 onwards. They started to demand for a separate Gorkha Land under the leadership of Subhash Ghising (an ex-service man of the Gurkha rifles) and continued agitation in the Hills in various non-democratic forms. They broke the Glass House, set in fire places of Historical importance, condemned and attacked Govt Officials, used weapons, bombs and grenades (The sources of these weapons is again questionable as is questionable presently in Purulia, Nandigram etc.) and unlimited strikes often and on with a sole aim to de-activate the Govt. machinery .Their again main target of attack was CPI(M) party members/supporters and many CPI(M) party members were murdered and party offices were burned. Their so formed organization named as GNLF (Gorkha national liberation front) became so much destructive and non-democratic in their movement that State Govt. after due counseling with the then Congress (I) ruled Central Govt. started to encounter their movement through Administration and Police because in the mean time all means of mutual discussions were in vain. The GNLF did not contest any elections themselves, used communal abusive languages, and barred forcefully local people of the hills to boycott polls. However the State Govt. was ultimately in a position to control these anarchy but again in the year 1989, during the Lok Sabha elections, GNLF was suddenly supported by Congress (I) & they defeated the existing MP of CPI (M) from the Darjeeling lok sabha seat.. However, a so-called Autonomous Hill Council (DGHC-Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council) vested with more powers for the Development of the Hills was formed on 26th August 1988. On the same day, Shri Jyoti Basu, Chief Minister of West Bengal and Subhash Ghishing representing Hill Council signed the agreement. Shri Buta Singh, C G Somaiah, Rabin Sengupta was present in the said ceremony. Shri Nirmal Basu, Kanai Bhaumik, Jatin Chakravorty, Kiranmoy Nanda, Harkishen Singh Surjeet, Abdus Sattar and Shri Budhdhadeb Bhattacharya were present there as witnesses. Presently the people and the Lumpen organizations demanding for separate state of Gorkhaland and various political parties/organizations with media playing foul in the back end perhaps are not aware of the contents of that agreement. It was clearly mentioned in the agreement that for the national interest and after paying heed to the request of the Prime Minister, GNLF thus drops the idea and subsequent demand of a separate state of Gorkhaland (Unquoted). The GNLF thus agrees to the proposal of formation of an autonomous Hill council under the rules and guidelines of the State Government for the social, economic, educational and cultural development of the residents of the hills (not exclusively nepalis)(unquoted). The salient features in the agreement are appended hereunder for ready reference. 1) The Council will be called-----“Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council” 2) Three sub-divisions in the District of Darjeeling i.e. Darjeeling, Kurseoung and Kalimpong will be included in the jurisdiction of this council. Furthermore the mouzas that will be included in the said council are Lohagarh T.E, Lohagarh Forest, Panighata, Rang mohan, Barachenga, Chota Adalpur, Pahar, Suknaban, Sukna—Part 1, Shandapati Ban-1, Mahanadi Ban, Champasari Ban and Salbari Chat part – 2. These mouzas are all under Siliguri Sub-division. Furthermore it is also detailed in the said agreement that after the formation of the Council, the state government shall provide the council with land either in lease or by some other means as deemed fit, for the administrative ease and development of the council, within the area under Siliguri Sub-division (in the area adjoining Darjeeling more). 3) The executive powers vested upon the council shall be guided by the rules of the Central and State government. Excluding protected wildlife areas or for any other reasons excluding agriculture, cattle grazing, building establishments, for acquiring land for the interest of the commons, the council shall have the right to use, acquire or evacuate any land for the following purposes…I) for forestation ii) for using any source of water and or canals for agricultural benefits iii) agriculture iv) Public health, dispensary, hospitals and public health v) tourism vi) education/technical education vii) Public works---planning and development. In addition to that looking after the development including supervision of other roads excluding any national and state highways. 4) Organizing and regulating of market which are not controlled and regulated by any Panchayet bodies, Municipalities. 5) Education including Primary, Secondary and Higher Secondary. 6) Power vested by the Government departments i.r.o Land and buildings, small-scale industries. 7) Controlling, regulating and maneuvering the different activities of Panchayet bodies, municipalities. The total number of members in the council will be 42 out of which 28 numbers will be elected and the State Government will nominate the balance members. An executive body is to be formed within these council members. The Chairman and the Vice-Chairman of the general council will be automatically members of the executive council and the Chairman of the Executive council will be the Chief Executive Councilor. He shall have the dignity of a state minister. The election of the Hill council is to be completed by 15th December’1988. The State Government agreed to review different legal actions/suits lodged against the members of the GNLF involved in different rioting and other illegal activities in their previous movement, excluding murder. The accused persons except convicted of murder will be released after the State Government withdraws all the legal suits. The proceedings for these legal reviews are to be started within 15 days from the date of agreement of Hill council. The actions against Government employees, involved in rioting. 1) The State Government shall withdraw all sorts of legal suits against those government employees charged for different illegal/anti-government activities during movement.(except murder). 2) The GNLF shall issue a statement to its members to submit all the un-authorized weapons possessed and used by them, to submit to the District administration within a stipulated time for which no legal actions will be initiated against them. 3) The GNLF shall withdraw all its movements from the hills and impart active co-operation to the Government for maintaining peace and normalcy in the hills. Shri Jyoti Basu, Hon’ble Chief Minister, Government of West Bengal, Shri R N Sengupta, Chief Secretary, GNLF supreme, Shri Subhash Ghising and Shri C G Somaiah, Chief Secretary of the Government of India signed the agreement. Almost 20 yrs have passed from then with out any significant development in the hills. The DGHC councilors rampantly devoured the huge funds allotted for the development and as usually, people of the hills suffered. However in the recent past i.e, from the year 2007, we came to know of the recent formation of a fragmentation named Gorkha Janamukti Morcha (GJM) from the GNLF. We came to know that like previous demand of GNLF, the GJM were up for their separate Gorkhaland. Similarly like their predecessors, their form of movement was the same. Attacking and destructing, Hooliganism in the name of their so Called “Gandhian Movement”. The left front Govt. of West Bengal strongly object to their demand but however is still on an effort to summon and organize series of discussions with the members of GJM and Central Government. But they were very much adamant in their attitude to stick on to their demand of a separate Gorkhaland. They, like the previous 80’s, are calling for indefinite strikes in the hills and started to persecute only the CPI (M) party members/supporters. The CPI (M) party members are forced to surrender or are driven out from the hills. In this context, the dual character of Congress was again envisaged. The Prodesh Congress Sabhapati of West Bengal stated that he did not support the division of the State but at the same time the Congress MP from the hills supports the demand of Gorkhaland. However the State Govt. like before is taking a good gesture and is eager for all political meeting. The State Govt. however is still insisting for granting more powers to the people of hills through the Central Govt. but GJM was again equally adamant in their demands. The Press and the media for some embedded obvious reasons started to take the advantage of the situation. As usual they made responsible the CPI (M) for this anarchy. The TV Channels convened opinion polls with the so-called intellectuals of Kolkata (Those who visit the hills once in a year for few days) and they started the same juggling with Journalism. Some of them declared that a separate Gorkhaland should be made. Some of the TV Channel like Kolkata TV went straight up to Darjeeling and organized an opinion poll there with the local people of Darjeeling and the Leaders of GJM. The Bengali daily Anandabazar Patrika, captioned in their editorial page on the issue of 2nd July, 2008, that Gorkhaland was the demand of CPI (M) party secretary Shri Ratan Lal Brahmin at the very beginning of Indian Independence (1947) and now that they are diverting away from the same. This may be noted that these sorts of Statement, which does not reveal the full truth, is not only a crime but also politically motivated. Regarding this claim of Anandabazar Patrika, I want to bring in light certain points, because the political intentions of Anandabazar Patrika must be revealed. 1) It was 6th April, 1947, prior to the Indian Independence, (when there were no defined District Committee of the Communist Party in Darjeeling and the organizational activities there were maneuvered by Comrade Sushil Chatterjee who later on brought in the movement, Comrade Ratanlal Brahmin for his dire struggle for the commons and the poor people in the hills) Ganesh Lal Subba was a local Secretary of the party at Darjeeling. It was his proposal of a separate Gorkhastan and not the party’s proposal. The said proposal was never vetted by any of the local, zonal, District or state committee of the party. Shri Ganesh Lal Subba was later on expelled from the party. Similarly the party had expelled later MP Daoa Lama and R B Rai for their demand of a separate State. Anandabazar Patrika must study more prior to combating CPI (M). 2) In the Party’s Kolkata Congress in the year 1951, it was decided that a demand will be raised for autonomy for the hilly areas of Darjeeling and it was unanimously accepted. Later on in the year 1972, during 9th Party Congress at Madurai, the scientific justifications of creation local autonomous bodies were duly emphasized. 3) In the year 1956, Darjeeling District Committee of the Party placed the demand of Autonomous administration to the State Govt. The copy of the same was placed to the Prime Minister, President and all Political Parties. 4) In the year 1955, Shri Jyoti Basu placed the demand of the Constitutional rights of the Nepali language, autonomy in Darjeeling and the rights and claims of the Tea workers and the party fought for these demands till 1977 when CPI(M) MLA , Shri Biren Bose raised the demand. Till as on date the party comrades in the hills e.g. Com S.P. Lepcha and others are fighting for more autonomy in the hills but they are now persecuted. 5) The historical movement for claims and rights of the Tea workers started in the year 1955 under the leadership of Com. Ratan Lal Brahmin. On 25th June, 1955, the Police opened fire over the labourers in the movement and many including children and women died. 6) Finally I am hereby quoting a deputation of the Communist Party against the British Empire in India “The Communist Party of India vehemently opposes the sinister British Imperialistic plot of excluding the district of Darjeeling from the rest of India and its constitution into a separate chief Commissioner’s Province as has been put forward by the Hillmen’s Association in its memorial to Lord Pethick Lawrence, Secretary of State of India, in December 1946. This Association (Hillmen’s Association) represents none but the local agents of the British Imperialism. The Communist Party of India is also opposed to any such plans that might be put forward by the local agents of British Imperialism in a modified form. It has reason to apprehend that the British Imperialists are hatching a plot to place the district of Darjeeling with other tribal peoples of Assam and Dooars in an altogether new Province to be called the North Eastern Himalayan Hill Province.” The examples of the so-called Democratic movement, of Shri Bimal Gurung, the GJM supremo, in the hills. (But before the Press and media he says that it is the activity of his supporters whenever they are moved emotionally.) 1) Forceful strikes in the hills. 2) Setting in fire CPI (M) party offices. 3) Barring all other opposition parties from carrying out any political activities in the hills. 4) Barring Shri Ashoke Bhattacharya, State Minister from entering Mirik, his own constituency. 5) Threatening CPI (M) Party members (Not other Parties exclusively) and supporters to leave hills if they did not surrender. 6) Closing down educational institutions and forcing students to participate in the rallies and hunger strikes. 7) Stopping the project works/activities related to development e.g. roads, hydel projects etc. 8) Preventing consumers to deposit electricity bills and telephone bills for over a year. 9) Forcing the vehicle owners to fix vehicle number plate captioned GL in their vehicles in place of WB. 10) Closing down the activities in the tea gardens, and taking capturing all the trade union offices thus putting an end to the daily living, demands and movements of the tea workers. 11) Disconnecting power lines and water supply lines of the houses of the members/supporters of CPIM and alienating them from the society through social boycott. And many more…….. As gathered from the historical details, Darjeeling was never the originally inhabited by the Nepalese. It must be clearly understood that gurkhas never constitute a separate entity. However some lepchas originally inhabited the district of Darjeeling. In addition to them, some other local tribal groups along with Bhutanis, who can never be called as gurkhas, also inhabited this district. The independent state of Sikkim comparatively feeble in defense was often and on attacked by Nepal and Bhutan and eventually, the British East India Company, on request from the Govt. of Sikkim, came to their aid. Nepal and Bhutan stopped invading Sikkim and as a token of gratitude, the King of Sikkim handed over the existing sub-divisions of Kurseoung, Darjeeling, Kalimpong and the desolate Siliguri to the British people. In the year 1907, Siliguri came into existence totally after including some areas of Jalpaiguri. As per documents gathered from the writings of Professor Haren Ghosh, Kalimpong was initially under the control of Bhutan. No area of this district was under the control of Nepal. The British East India Company acquired Darjeeling in return of Rupees three thousand annually and made this place a center of medical care for the sick and injured defense personnel. As per agreement had with the Sikkim Government in the year 1835, the British reframed Darjeeling, Kurseoung and kalimpong into a new society. They build up Security barracks at Jolapahar, Lebong and also several educational institutions and Hospitals. The cultivation of tea started there in the year 1865 from Mokaibari and accordingly many labors were required for the said cultivation. Hence thousands of Labors came here from Nepal for earning their daily living. Most of them joined the British army. The Gurkha rifles were so formed. The toy train was commissioned in the year 1880. Later many peoples from the various parts of India came here for various reasons e.g., Service, business, trading etc and many of them settled here. The Nepalese in general are very much honest, sincere, simple, trustworthy and hardworking. The importance of Siliguri and the district of Darjeeling as a whole have increased manifold for geographical and economic reasons. Many tourists from various parts of India and abroad visit the hills for its scenic beauty and the tourism industry is thus equally benefited. In addition to Bengalis and Nepalese, Marwaris, Beharis, Sikh etc live here in harmony. From my experience, I gather that the common people (mainly Nepalese) in the hills are least bothered in formation of the previous Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC) or Gorkhaland because they say that the development in the hills have come to a standstill during these period of agitation from the year 1980. The concentration of power and might among a fistful have made the life of the poor much more troublesome and painful. They simply want job for which they seek Industries to be here. They are in want safe drinking water/supply water, improved communication facilities, drainage facilities, educational facilities and medical institutions and doctors. From Parijat Bhattacharya, Ghum, Darjeeling Dated 20/12/2008. Part 2 “Greater Nepal and Gorkhaland Movement----Strings attached???”
Many of us might have thought that after CPN (Mao) jointly came to power in Nepal, they would rather take efforts to strengthen ties with China and would restrain their international relations with India and in such a situation India will be antagonized against Nepal but nothing of that sort happened rather Prachand after the Mao uprising had come to Delhi and had progressive and peaceful talks. However some countries or powers are very keen and pro-active in making international relations restrained between these two countries. As US imperialism has a very bad habit in involving itself into the internal relations of different countries, accordingly they are looking for various pretexts in interfering within the internal affairs of Nepal with an obvious purpose to extend their hegemony. They only have a thus dire objective to remove the Maobadis out of the State Power and accordingly they are thus hatching various plots. They, I mean these Yankees are thus very reluctant in admitting the hierarchy of the Maobadis as they are very well aware of the fact that the geographical position of Nepal has a strategic importance between India and China. In view its geographical, socio-economical aspects and culture, the state of Nepal can be broadly divided into four major areas or portions. 1) Southern side, the area adjoining the Indian border, the terai area that is more or less plain in nature and fertile. The said area may be termed ar the food basket or food source of Nepal. 2) North to the said area lies the Siwaliks constituting small, medium hilly ranges with a maximum height of 1500 meters and Mahabharat range with mountain ranges with a height range from 1500 meters to 3000 meters. This area is pretty populated with a moderate population density. 3) Valley area where the Capital Katmandu lies. It is thickly populated and is very much fertile having also various industrial units. 4) Fourth, the Himalayan ranges constituting Everest, Khanchendzongha etc. This terai area described under SL (3) hence attracts lot of international attention not only for economic indexes but also for politics. This area hence bears lot of relevance in respect of the state economy and politics. Lot of people resides here and most of them are of Indian origin. This Terai area constituting Katmandu bears lot of relevance in the Political and Economical sphere of Nepal (Industry based). The Maoist politics bears lesser relevance here and has lesser influence in this area but here exists some terai based provincial parties who are dominant in this area. These peoples believe to segregate this Terai area from Nepal and they are known to be “Madhesis”. The general elections in Nepal could only be conducted through mutual discussion and negotiation with these Madhesis as they bear lot of relevance in the Political scenario of Nepal. The President was elected from the leaders of these Madhesis. The Nepal government is thus ruling this state of Nepal through series of negotiations with these Madhesis on various national and International issues. The 19th Party Congress of the CPIM thus analyses this situation at Nepal and describes the situation in Nepal accordingly. The CPIM analysis thus says that various militant groups active within these Madhesis are demanding to represent and interfere in the various administrative machineries and democratic platforms of the Government, on a sole objective to create anarchy and obstruct democracy. They are spreading various forms of communal sentiments and with reactionary ideas with an objective to divide the masses through various linguistic and cultural barriers. However there are many anti-Indian forces in Nepal who are very much active for a long time and these forces want that the relation between India and Nepal get hostile. These people had thus demanded through agitation for restoring the Greater Nepal in front of the Indian embassy at Kathmandu on 26th of January’2009. As per treaty with the British Government and Nepal in the year 1816, the areas of Sikkim, present Uttaranchal, Siliguri and Darjeeling of West Bengal and Himachal Pradesh were taken over by the British Government. After Independence, a fresh treaty was signed between the Government of India and Nepal. Now these communal and Anti-Indian forces are demanding to the Government of India and Nepal for restoring these areas handed over 200 yrs ago to Nepal and if the said demand is not paid any heed then they would resort to violent agitations much more intense than that in Kashmir. As per the versions of one of their leaders……”I have visited these areas and found that Nepalese of Indian origin as well as Nepalese forced to seek menial jobs in India support the demand”. A front named UNNF (United Nepal National Front) are demanding for Greater Nepal constituting these anti-Indian forces in Nepal and they have published a map of their proposed Greater Nepal and the same has been placed to the Queen of England. It is interesting and quite relevant to note that portions of West Bengal (including Siliguri and Dooars) shown in the map proposed by UNNF in demand of Greater Nepal and is exactly the replica of the map proposed by the armed revolution group in demand of Gorkhaland. The leaders of the UNNF thus views the initial Sigauli Treaty signed in the year 1816 as illegal and now as the English people have left, India should return those areas back to Nepal which hereby means that the main issue seems not only creation of a separate state of Gorkhaland but to join itself with the so called greater Nepal with an effort to dissect India. The question here not only rises for handing over the regions of Darjeeling and Siliguri as a separate entity of Gorkhaland but it also a plot to cut away portions of our country like Sikkim, Himachal Pradesh and Uttaranchal in the name of Gorkhaland or Greater Nepal. The leaders of the present movement headed by Morcha are equally liable to give suitable statements in regard to this demand of Gorkhastan or Greater Nepal. After a series of armed revolution, destruction of government and private property and bloodshed by the GNLF activists, Rajib Gandhi, Jyoti Basu and Subhash Ghising of GNLF formed the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council (DGHC). After 20 yrs of his chairmanship in this council, on the verge of the council elections, Subhash Ghising demanded for the implementation of the 6th schedule through various forms of undemocratic movements. The State Government, in order for maintaining the long seeking peace in the hills, principally agreed to the question of this 6th schedule. GNLF supporters claimed that it was their victory and organized processions to celebrate and proclaim their victory. Bimal Gurung, the present morcha leader, leaded their procession. Suddenly within a few months, the situation changed, all of their movements and claims changed. They started to demand.”NO 6th schedule, NO DGHC….”, we want separate state ----GORKHALAND----including Siliguri and Dooars”. It is significant to note that in order to create more anarchy, hooliganism and communalism, these morcha leaders are keener in organizing meetings and processions in the plains rather than the hills. Hence the present question not only lies for as an effort for division of West Bengal but also weaken our country through some obvious foreign intruders.

Greater Nepal: revealing Nepal�s hidden truth

Greater Nepal is a documentary that unravels the fact approximately nepal’s geographical reputation. one of the significant nepali documentaries made up to now, it has cinematically raised problems approximately the country’s identification and boarder encroachments. the documentary is directed by way of manoj pandit. given that our youth, we've got felt splendid pleasure in analyzing approximately our heroic beyond. we nonetheless have fun on being a sovereign u . s . who nobody dared to rule over, not even the british. however are we additionally similarly aware about the sour realities of our country? no, we aren’t. the documentary starts with the aid of showcasing the ancient information about nepal. it recollects the struggles of our ancestors as they widely extended the himalayan kingdom. it also reminds us approximately the anglo-nepal war that took place in 1814-15 a. d.which resulted in the humiliating Treaty of Sugauli. As a result, Nepal had to lose more than one-third of its territory to the East India Company, who was ruling India during the time. But, after the British left India, the lost territory should have come back to Nepal. The documentary shows enough legal evidences to prove this fact. But, why haven’t we received our valuable territories? Even more, why is India encroaching our land illegally? Why isn’t our government fighting against it? All these inquisitive questions lead the protagonist of the film (the director himself) towards exploring the once great Nepal. He sets on a journey to the places where the wars had taken place and to the lands which should have been his but unfortunately, are not. On his travels, he realizes the painful truth. His heart aches to know the fact that our renowned political figures have themselves closed this topic when constantly raised by the common people. In the film, legendary historian and novelist Diamond Samsher Rana relates a fascinating tale, “It was during the Rana regime in Nepal. Many English men constantly told the Rana rulers that they ought to take back their lost territories because they legally belong to Nepal. The Rana rulers would reply by saying that since it was already hard for them to handle the present territory, they did not want to invite extra burden. Moreover, those territories had already experienced democracy and the Ranas feared that those people would acknowledge the naive Nepalese to a democratic nation.” Thus, even after democracy, due to various political inclinations, this topic was always pressed down. Our democratic leaders never bothered to raise this sensitive issue.
As the narrator walks further towards the Nepal- India boarders, he constantly visualizes the lands encroached by the Indians. They are slowly increasing their boarders in several parts of Nepal; particularly in Kalapani, Susta, Pyaratal, Bhadrapur and Kakarbhitta every time the country experiences national insurgencies. The interviews with the local victims make the audiences question about their identity and the fakeness that their eyes have always beheld. The dialogues of the native people, "We will die but will save Nepal's land." are immensely heart touching. But, more depressing is the fact that the local government authorities are not bothered at all. Though the documentary contains some technical faults, Manoj needs applause for raising such an important issue. His effort for preserving our nationality is clearly noticed. An eye- opener, the documentary must be seen at least once by every Nepali citizen. It should also be specially screened for our political leaders. Even after watching this documentary, if no action is taken, that day is not far away when our beautiful country Nepal will be embedded only in the historical books. People will say, "There used to be a wonderful country named Nepal….." -Sampada Malla